Wednesday, October 30, 2019

Minority Corporate Leader Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Minority Corporate Leader - Assignment Example The paper further draws clarity from the way a leader deals with situations and various outcomes. Upon keen exploration of Sage, it is clear that leaders have to enhance teamwork and approach every situation with a clear and innovative mind. Minority Corporate Leader Leadership is an indulging role in any sector. Leaders have to be assertive and make decisions depending on prevailing situations. Apparently, many decisions are made depending on the situation at hand. Some decisions require harnessing information and discussing with relevant stakeholders parties. With such an approach, a leader is definitely going to arrive at the right decision (Armstrong, 2011). However, neglecting some of these aspects could lead to poor decision making. For example, when making a decision in the nursing sector, there is the need to incorporate all the concerned parties. This will ensure that decision implementation is smooth and all inclusive. Ola Sage is 45 years old and exhibits the desirable cha racteristics of a leader. She is married and lives in Silver Spring. She holds a bachelor’s degree from Strayer University and a master’s degree from George Mason University. She is currently the CEO of E-management, which is a federal Information Technology company. Since its inception, Sage has been skeptical about improving the performance of the company to greater heights. In the initial stages, the company was struggling to stay put in the market since it was not attracting a large number of people in demand for its services. She has struggled to develop the company to reach out to a larger market in offering its services. Previously, Sage had dreams of becoming a concert pianist. However, she decided to concentrate on offering IT services. This was a successful idea as she is currently one of the most respected IT experts. The first aspect that should be considered in a leader is the way a leader overcomes barriers. In any sector, there is a high probability that there will be barriers, challenges and setbacks. Ola Sage is a leader that accepts challenges while managing other people. She states that a challenge in a work place strengthens a leader. As such, she is decisive and makes the appropriate changes when there are challenges. For example, the technology sector is changing and improving with each passing day. As such, there is a need for a leader that will give a positive approach to these enhancements (Reese, 2003). This includes purchase of better and improved technology. This ensures the organization is prepared to face all the other challenges in the sector. Similarly, Sage ensures all the other workers are incorporated into finding solutions for the barriers of success. Apparently, she states that a leader has to be on the forefront in overcoming barriers. Such a leader is destined for greatness as all the barriers and challenges will be solved in the meanest time. As such, the organization will be on a gradual improvement. Team building is an important aspect in an organization. An organization that ensures the workers are working as a team is on the verge of making positive accrual with time. For example, all the leaders should work in unison with the other workers. Sage acknowledges that all leaders should enhance team work each and every time in an organization. She states that people should accept that they are not able to make accomplishments on their own. As such, they should decipher that every person

Monday, October 28, 2019

The Salem Witch Trials in 1692 and the Physick Book of Deliverance Dane Essay Example for Free

The Salem Witch Trials in 1692 and the Physick Book of Deliverance Dane Essay When the word â€Å"witch† comes up in people’s minds, they normally picture an old woman with green skin, warts, a pointy hat, and long fingernails who wears black clothes, flies on a broom, and casts harmful spells on others. However, this stereotype is made up by the imaginations of humanity. It all started when religion conflicts began to rise. This was the clash between Christianity and the old religion. Christian leaders began asserting that witches were devil worshippers and savages. In the year 1233, Pope Gregory IX instituted the Roman Catholic tribunal, known as the Inquisition, in an attempt to suppress heresy. At the request of Pope John XXII in 1320, the church officially declared witchcraft and the old religion of the Pagans as a heretical movement and a hostile threat to Christianity. Witches had now become heretics and the persecution against all Pagans spread like wildfire throughout Europe. Therefore, the persecutions, murders, and the torture of innocent people who are claimed as â€Å"witches† began (â€Å"How Did it Start? †). This history and the idea of witches lead to the Salem Witch Trials in 1692 and Katherine Howe’s motivation to write her novel, The Physick Book of Deliverance Dane, which is based on the Salem Witch Trials. Katherine Howe was born in Huston, Texas and she holds degrees in Art History and Philosophy from Columbia and in American and New England Studies from Boston University. She is a descendant of Elizabeth Proctor, who survived the Salem Witch Trials, and Elizabeth Howe, who did not. She first learned about her ancestors when her aunt was doing some family research. Due to this discovery, Howe became more interested in this specific time period and she began to wonder how life would be like living as a Puritan in the 1600’s. Her book, The Physick Book of Deliverance Dane, which is about the Salem Witch Trials, debuted at #2 on the New York Times bestseller list and has been translated into more than 20 languages. Howe moved to Marblehead from Cambridge in summer of 2005 with her husband and she was scheduled to take her Ph. D. qualifying exams that November. So, while trying to relax from her studies, Howe began to think how vastly the popular account of the witch trials differs from the historical understanding of them. As she was walking in the woods, she began to think: â€Å"What if magical were real, but not in the fairy-tale way that we now imagine it? † (Howe â€Å"Question and Answer†). So, as Howe was trying to imagine what magic would have looked like to the colonists of Salem, she was inspired to write her novel. Howe’s writing style is very attractive to readers. The vocabulary is not very difficult and she writes in a way that keeps the reader wanting to read more. As the reader explores the novel, they can feel the emotions that the characters are feeling and so they are able to relate to them. Also, she writes her flashbacks to the late seventeenth century in the diction that they would have spoken in. This catches the reader’s attention and it shows her dedication and research for this novel. In the 17th century, the church was the cornerstone of life in New England. Most people in Massachusetts were Puritans-colonists who had left England seeking religious tolerance. The Puritan lifestyle was restrained and rigid and it was against the law not to attend church. Since the Puritans were expected to live by this strict moral code, they believed that all sins-from sleeping in church to stealing food-should be punished. They believed that God would punish sinful behavior. When a neighbor would suffer misfortune, such as a sick child or a failed crop, the Puritans saw it as God’s will and did not help. In addition, the Puritans believed that that Devil was as real as God. Everyone was faced with the struggle between the powers of good and evil, but Satan would select the weakest individuals-women, children, and the insane-to carry out his work. Those who followed Satan were considered â€Å"witches†. To the Puritans, witchcraft was one of the greatest crimes a person could commit and it was punishable by death. A strong belief in the Devil, factions among Salem Village families, and rivalry with near by Salem Town combined with a recent small pox epidemic and the threat of attack by warring tribes created a fertile ground for fear and suspicion of witchcraft (â€Å"Salem Witch Trials†). In 1692, children were expected to have under the same strict code as the adults-doing chores, attending church services, and repressing individual differences. Any show of emotion was discouraged and disobedience was severely punished. Children rarely played and so toys and games were scare. While girls had to cook and clean, the boys had to hunt and explore. The children of this time period also had to learn how to read. However, most households owned only the Bible and other religious works (â€Å"Salem Witch Trials†). This was the childhood of Abigail Williams and Elizabeth Parris. Their strict way of life that they had to live was probably the reason why they were interested in Tituba’s, the Parris’ slave, magical stories and fortune telling games. On January 20th, 1692, Reverend Parris’ daughter, Elizabeth, age 9, and niece Abigail Williams, 11, started having â€Å"fits†. Ann Putnam, 11, experienced similar symptoms later on. They screamed, uttered peculiar sounds and contorted themselves into strange positions. Doctor Griggs, who attended the afflicted girls, suggested that they were bewitched. In that time, a dog was believed to be a â€Å"familiar† of the Devil. So, Tituba baked a â€Å"witch cake†, which contained the urine of the afflicted girls, and fed it to the dog. This was considered an old English folk remedy (Linder, â€Å"Salem Witchcraft Trials 1692). In late February of 1692, the afflicted girls were pressured by ministers and townspeople to say who cause their odd behavior. The girls accused Tituba, Sarah Good, a homeless beggar, and Sarah Osborne, an elderly impoverished woman. Arrest warrants for the three women were issued and magistrates John Hawthorne and Jonathan Corwin examined them for â€Å"witch teats†. Osborne and Good claimed their innocence, but Tituba confessed, â€Å"the Devil came to me and bid me to serve him† (Blumberg, â€Å"A Brief History†). She described elaborate images of black dogs, red cats, yellow birds and a â€Å"black man† who wanted her to sign his book. She admitted to signing the book and said that there were several other witches looking to destroy the Puritans. All three of them were put into jail. Soon, the group of afflicted girls began to accuse many people such as Martha Cory, Rebecca Nurse, Dorcas Good, Elizabeth Proctor, Sarah Cloyce, etc. Subsequently, prisons were filled with more than one hundred fifty men and women from towns surrounding Salem. On May 27th, 1692, Governor William Phipps ordered the establishment of the Special Court of Oyer (to hear) and Terminer (to decide) to hear the cases of witchcraft. Bridget Bishop, an older woman who was known for her gossipy habits and promiscuity, was the first case. On June 10th, she was the first person to be hanged on Gallows Hill. As the trials went on, five people were sentenced and hanged in July, five more in August and eight on September. On October 29th, 1692, Governor Phipps released many accused witches and dissolved the court of Oyer and Terminer. He eventually pardoned all the people who were in prison on witchcraft charge (Blumberg, â€Å"A Brief History†). Therefore, the Salem Witch Trials of 1692 was ended. Due to this event, nineteen innocent men and women were hanged for witchcraft, Giles Corey was pressed to death under heavy rocks for refusing to stand trial, and four other died in jail as they awaited trial (â€Å"Salem Witch Trials†). After the trials were over, many people, such as Ann Putnam, felt guilty and wrong for taking away the lives of over twenty innocent people. In 1697, the General Court ordered a day of fasting and soul –searching for the tragedy that happened five years ago. In 1702, the court declared that the trials were unlawful. Finally, in 1711, the colony passed a bill restoring the rights and good names of those accused during the trials and 600 pounds were granted in restitution to their heirs. It was not until 1957 that Massachusetts formally apologized for what had happened in 1692 (Blumberg, â€Å"A Brief History†). On the 300th anniversary of the Salem Witch Trials, a witchcraft memorial designed by James Culter was dedicated in Salem. However, the problem of witchcraft still remains today. On March 15th, 2012, there was a conviction of a London couple for a death of a fifteen year-old boy whom they violently abused because they believed him to be a witch. This is not the first time that this has happened in the U. K. Scotland Yard told BBC that they have investigated over eighty-eight faith based child abuse in the last decade. UNICEF reported that in 2010, twenty thousand children were accused of witchcraft were living on the streets in the capital city of Kinshasa. In addition, the Nation Crime Bureau in India states that over 2,500 women have been killed for being suspected for being suspected of practicing witchcraft (Rojas, Witchcraft-Related Violence†). Violence against people accused of being witches is a growing problem in the U.K. , India, and Africa. The Physick Book of Deliverance Dane follows Connie Goodwin’s adventure in trying to unravel the truth about the past. Also in her novel, Howe also allows the reader to explore the life of Deliverance Dane, who is included in the Salem Witch Trials in the story. In the novel, Deliverance Dane, a mother who makes tinctures for the sick, is accused of being a witch. Although she posses magical powers, she does not use them for evil. During the time that she is accused, many other women and men are accused along with her. The truth is that â€Å"the people accused in Salem were just regular, everyday people† (Howe 141). No matter how they try to clear their names, the â€Å"witches† are all sent to prison. In prison, their feet are clamped with â€Å"a heavy iron cuff, attached with a short length of nautical-grade chain† (295). Deliverance Dane, Sarah Good, Sarah Osborne, and Rebecca Nurse are some of the women that are accused and hanged on Gallows Hill in the novel. Even though this book is fiction, due to Deliverance’s magical powers, the novel contains many people who were convicted during the Salem Witch Trials and their deaths. Deliverance Dane, who was really in the Salem Witch Trials, does not have a lot of information about her, except for the fact that she had a husband named, Nathaniel, and that she survived the trials. Because no one knows Deliverance’s story during the Salem Witch Trials, Howe uses the lack of information to create a story for Dane, which is portrayed in the novel. Because people are so fixed on the idea that witches are not real, Howe shows a surprising twist in her book by giving Deliverance magical powers. Even though the colonists claimed that the accused were witches, there is no exact proof of witchcraft. But, maybe the accused did have magical powers, which could explain the weird fits that the girls wee experiencing. This makes the reader question whether magic truly exists or not. The Salem Witch Trials is not very well known by the people of our nation. So, with the help of this novel, more and more people can be informed about this tragic incident that took place in 1692. Also, this novel shows that witches are not how people in our society imagine them. This books shows to the people that witches are not harmful to the human race and that people should not be wrongly accused for such a ridiculous stereotype. As the critiques of this book are read and compared, they are very mixed reviews. Some readers love the book from the beginning to the end and some people have problems with the way Howe wrote her plot and her characters. Laura Bliss from the Library Journal wrote, â€Å"This enjoyable novel is too slow-paced to be considered a thriller, but its a solid selection that may appeal to readers who enjoyed recent novels about Salems witches. † Although Bliss thought that the book could have gone a little bit faster, overall, she recommends that the book will be a good read. Unlike the Library Journal, Publisher’s Weekly states that â€Å"her [Howe] voice is pleasing, her pacing and emphasis good and her diction clear†. However, they also say in their review that â€Å"the characters are thin and the plot is predictable†. According to Publisher Weekly, Howe’s plot in her novel is too original and not exciting. So, because the plot is too easy to guess, it does not leave suspense for the reader, which causes them to get bored when reading the book. They also said that the characters are not built very convincing either. The characters in her novel seem to be missing uniqueness and they lack personality. Even though Howe has received some complains about The Physick Book of Deliverance Dane, she has been praised as well for her extensive research that she had to do to write it (â€Å"Editorial Reviews†). For her first debut novel, Howe has done an extraordinary job of bringing the Salem Witch Trials of 1692 back to life. Even though Katherine Howe did not directly experience the Salem Witch Trials, the life of her ancestor, Elizabeth Howe, was taken away because of this event. This gave her the inspiration and maybe some responsibility to let the world know about this event. These trials went on with solely by accusation and without the use of actual evidence of witchcraft. The lives of many innocent people were taken away, which leaves people wondering, â€Å"Why did this ever happen? † This answer to this question will always be a mystery because there could have been many reasons why the colonists reacted like the way they did. Whatever the reason may be, the lives of the people that were taken away will always be in remembrance.

Saturday, October 26, 2019

Discrimination Against Redheads Essay example -- Racial Relations, Ste

Discrimination, stereotypes, and prejudice are constant problems in society which are consistent at any age in all cultural and social settings. The results of discriminative behaviour against different children can impair psychological development and result in depression episodes which sometimes lead to suicide (Schoolboy bullied, 2009). Suicide among adolescents is not a new phenomenon, but discrimination based on appearance is definitely a form of catalyst that makes the pressure of growing up higher and unbearable (Konopka, 1983). This research will focus on discrimination against redheads because scientific research has covered other forms of discrimination based on appearance, but discrimination against redheads remains a neglected area in both society (Bellasugar Australia, 2009) and scientific research. The gene mutation responsible for ginger hair was discovered in 1995, but this research did not leave any significant impact and future research based on this discovery was dedicated to exploring other differences in genetic constitution between redheads and people with other hair colour (Johansen, 2005). For example, it is established that red hair is the first phenotype linked to pain tolerance (Knight, 2002). Research by Edwin Liem, Teresa Joiner, Kentaro Tsueda, and Daniel Sessler (2005) proved that redheads are more sensitive to thermal pain than women with dark hair, and the results have confirmed previous studies regarding redhead resistance to anaesthetics. There were several limitations to this study, including possible bias from the investigators and subjective responses from participants, but Liem, Joiner, Tsueda, and Sessler (2005) have reached the desired conclusion because they did not consider these limita... ...lops during childhood, the inability to reverse it will most likely result in retaining the prejudice during adulthood. Because no research has been made regarding hair colour discrimination, the main aim of this research will be to collect and analyse the data, so future research will be possible. Without providing empirical evidence that discriminations against redheads exist, it is not possible to continue exploring the discrimination effects on psychological development among redheads. Most importantly, prejudice against redheads is the most neglected area of prejudice, and people should be more open about it than about political, racial, religious, and other forms of prejudice, so future research could perhaps provide insight into variables that influence the formation of prejudices which researchers in other forms of appearance-based prejudices have missed.

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Having different plots the two stories nevertheless indicate the common concept

Are people part of this world or we really don’t belong to it? Maybe we’re just strangers, the incidental guests, who dropped in for a moment?This idea unites the two stories, which I’m going to analyze – A Very Old Man with Enormous Wings by Gabriel Garcia Marquez and My Singular Irene by Jose Alcantara Alcanzar. Both stories create the impression of hopelessness, as they indicate bitter alienation of a human in a society, which is ready to swallow his identity.Having different plots, the two stories nevertheless indicate the common concept – they allegorically describe a person’s life from birth to death. However, in both stories birth and death change their meaning to the reverse one.The time, when the events start, is said to be the beginning of spring, which is naturally associated with the birth. In Marquez’s story the birth is also marked by the presence of a new-born baby, but it not him, who is symbolically born but a old man with enormous wings. It is suggestive that is born already old, like in the legend about Buddha’s birth.The reverse order of things is also demonstrated in the fact that he is born from the earth, even from mud (analogical to the traditional burial of a human body). That’s the picture Pelayo saw: â€Å"He had to go very close to see that it was an old man, a very old man, lying face down in the mud, who, in spite of his tremendous efforts, couldn’t get up, impede by his enormous wings† (p.371, paragraph 1).It is opposite to the beautiful concept, when a child, pure and innocent, is sent by the heaven. But in Marquez’s perception, a human is mercilessly thrown into this world, where he has to face loneliness and misunderstanding.The Angel is disempowered and helpless throughout his staying among people, and so is the heroine of Alcanzar’ story. And the reason for the condition is the same   – the wings. Irene is butterfly, which a ce rtain version of angelic image too. Besides, it is interesting to note that for ancient Greeks butterfly sounded exactly like the word, denoting a human soul – psyche.That why in the story My Singular Irene the same way from birth to death- in a conventional meaning – is symbolically described, which is in fact has the opposite direction – from death to life, to renaissance, to magic transformation.For years he’s been kept in her cocoon by her husband who embodies limits of the society. It is noteworthy, that in his narration he uses a lot of   restricting words as ‘allow’, ‘permit’, â€Å"demand†, ‘forgive’ and ‘forbid’. All of them he applies to Irene. He tries to control his wife’s life, leaving her no space for breathing. It would be wrong to say that he doesn’t love her, he does in fact in his own way, as a collector of butterflies.  Indeed, the metaphor of a butterfly acqui res a broader meaning: â€Å"Irene rolled down the window and by accident some butterflies got inside and were trapped† (p.12, paragraph 3) This sentence suggests the concept of human life as seen by Almanzar. It is evident that this view is very similar to the one presented by Marquez.An angel who was thrown into this world and was put by people into a cage reveals the same meaning as butterfly-person, who flew into this world accidentally an was trapped. For both writers, the metaphor for human existence is prison.For Almanzar it is both prison and journey, so that as a result we have a kind of prison on wheels. For Marquez life is a cage in a zoo with thousands of spectators watching and torturing you. I fact, life is a hell for angels.

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Organic Food in Spain: Market Segmentation Essay

Abstract In recent years, consumers concerns on environmental and health issues related to food products have increased and, as a result, the demand for organically grown production. Higher costs of production and retailer margins generate a gap between real prices and those consumers are willing to pay for organic food. In this paper, consumer willingness to pay for organic food in two Spanish regions is analyzed. Markets in both regions are segmented considering consumers lifestyles. Results indicate that consumers concerned about healthy diet and environmental degradation are more likely to buy organic food and are willing to pay a higher premium. Organic attributes are easily identified in perishable products as the premium consumers would pay for organic meat, fruits and vegetables is higher. 1 PUBLICADO EN International Food and Agribusiness Management Review, (2001), 3, 207-226. 1 Market segmentation and willingness to pay for organic products in Spain 1. Introduction Food consumption in most developed countries has attained a saturation point in quantity terms, and consumer food choices are broader than in the past. The result is a more diversified consumption. In this saturated market environment, distribution channels, marketing activities, diversification strategies and food quality are increasingly important. In addition, consumers have become more concerned about nutrition, health and the quality of food they eat. The increasing importance of health, and the impact food production has on the environment, on consumer food choice is well documented in the literature (Jolly et al. , 1989; Jordan and Elnagheeb, 1991; Oude Ophius, 1991; Baker and Crosbie, 1993; Grunert and Juhl, 1995; Kleijn et al., 1996; Viaene and Gellynck, 1996; Chupitaz and Keslemont, 1997). As a consequence, organic products production and consumption have grown in recent years. The number of papers which have been devoted to the study of organic food markets has increased (Lampkin, 1989; Beharrel and MacFie, 1991; Landell Mills, 1992; Tregear et al. , 1994; Lin et al. , 1996; Vetter and Christensen, 1996; Thompson and Kindwell, 1998; among others). Organic farming refers to a farming system which uses organic manure, and avoids or largely excludes the use of synthetic fertilizers, pesticides and chemicals. A recent study carried out by FAO (1998) has shown that an adequate management of organic farming generates a positive impact on the environment (e. g. , reduction of water â€Å"contamination†, increased soil fertility due to crop rotation). On the demand side, consumers have positive attitudes towards organic products as they perceive them as healthier than conventional alternatives (Beharrel and MacFie, 1991). In the case of Spain, although the production of organic food products has considerably increased during the past decade, demand is still very low as only 0. 5% of food expenditure is allocated to such products. The main obstacle with organic production seems to be the difficulty in selling organic products in retail food markets. Although consumers search for more diverse, higher quality and healthier food products, organic products face problems related to consumer product acceptability (new product, high price and deficiencies in distribution channels (Roddy 2 et al. , 1994)). On the production side, high costs, especially labor costs, and the difficulty of shifting from conventional to organic farming are also limiting factors (Vetter and Christensen, 1996; Hamiti et al. , 1996). Furthermore, food availability and seasonality influence marketing activities and make it difficult to establish appropriate retailing outlets. Higher costs of production and retailer margins jointly may result in higher prices than consumers are willing to pay for organic food attributes. The objective of this study is to estimate the willingness of different consumer segments in Spain to pay for organic products, in order to assess alternative price strategies carried out by producers. From other studies, it was expected that consumers would be willing to pay a premium for organic products. This expectation is based on the idea that these products are healthier and may diminish negative environmental effects associated with conventional agricultural production. In order to expand the scope of our results, in this study we have considered a wide range of food products: 1) vegetables; 2) potatoes; 3) cereals; 4) fruits; 5) eggs; 6) chicken; and 7) red meat. Among the different methodological alternatives to assess consumers willingness to pay, the contingent valuation (CV) approach was chosen (Hanemann, 1984, 1987). Although CV is a method primarily used for monetary evaluation of consumer preferences for non-market goods (e. g. , unpriced natural resources), it is also useful in this context because the organic market is still too â€Å"thin†, and organic products are not available in all retail outlets. The paper is organized as follows. In the next section, some descriptive statistics on the evolution of organic farming in the European Union (EU) and, particularly, in Spain are shown. A brief description of the survey instrument used is provided in section 3. Next, consumer market segments based on consumers’ lifestyles are defined and characterized taking into consideration both socioeconomic characteristics and attitudes towards organic food products and environmental concerns. In section 5 the willingness to pay of each segment and all products considered are calculated. A brief outline of the theoretical foundation of the CV method is also included. Finally, some concluding remarks are outlined. 2. Relative importance of organic agricultural production in the European Union and Spain 3 Land under organic farming in EU countries has dramatically increased from 425 thousand ha in 1992 to 2.9 million ha in 1999 (Table 1). Although the area has grown seven fold, it still represents only 2. 2% of total cultivated agricultural land. The proportion of land devoted to organic production on total cultivated land varies from country to country. The highest values are found in Austria (8. 4%), followed by Finland (6. 3%), Denmark (5. 5%), Sweden (5. 5%) and Italy (5. 3%). The lowest are found in the rest of the Mediterranean countries (Portugal, Greece and Spain) in spite of the important increase of land devoted to organic products in these countries. Among EU countries the most spectacular increase in land devoted to organic production has taken place in Italy, although a high percentage corresponds to pastures. (Insert Table 1) Organic farming in Spain has been developed only recently but has increased rapidly during the past few years. Land devoted to organic production has increased from 7,900 ha, in 1992, to 352,000 ha, in 1999, when it accounted for 1. 4% of the total utilized agricultural land, still under the European average. Three-fourths of Spanish organic farming is concentrated in three regions: Extremadura (47%), Andalucia (17%) and Castilla-Leon (12%) (Table 2). In relative terms, regions with higher percentages of organic farming on total utilized agricultural area are Canarias (7. 7%), Extremadura (6%) and Comunidad Valenciana (2. 6%). Normally, organic production in each region is highly related to the crops which are traditionally produced there. At the national level, cereals and olives are the main organic crops followed by nuts and fruits. However, it is noticeable that a high percentage of land devoted to pastures is under organic production, mainly concentrated in the central and southern part of Spain. This explains the relative importance of Extremadura and Andalucia in organic production. Navarra, on the other hand, is the region in which more diversification exists, producing a wide variety of organic agricultural products (fruits, vegetables, cereals and meat). (Insert Table 2) Available information on consumption is less precise. According to the European Commission, EU expenditures on organic products accounted for 1. 5 million Euros in 1991, representing 0. 3% of total food expenditures. The proportion varies from country to country. Expenditure on organic products in Denmark lies between 2% to 3% of total food expenditures; in Germany, it represents 1. 2%; in the United Kingdom, Ireland, France and the Netherlands it is 4 less than 1%. In the case of Spain, the relative importance of organic food products is lower, accounting for only 0. 5% of total food expenditures. Comparing the Spanish figures on production and consumption of organic food products, it is clear that production has increased faster than consumption. The demand for organic food in central and northern European countries is growing more rapidly than in Spain. The main consequence is that, today, more than 50% of organically produced fruits and vegetables are sold in foreign markets leaving, to a certain extent, consumers unattended in the domestic market. Producers get a premium when selling in foreign markets and they expect and want to earn the same premium in the domestic market. However, as in Spain most of the conventional food products are less expensive than in other European countries (mainly, pasta, fruits and vegetables), the gap between conventional and organic products prices is higher in Spain, limiting the expansion of organic food consumption. The study tries to provide a better understanding of Spanish consumers in relation to organic food. Assuming that higher prices is the main limiting factor for increasing organic consumption, special attention will be paid to the maximum premium consumers are willing to pay for such products. As a previous step, consumers will be segmented according to their lifestyles and, then, market segments characterized taking into account consumers socioeconomic characteristics and attitudes towards organic food products and environmental concerns. 3. Data The data used here come from a survey conducted in July-August 1997 in two Spanish regions: Navarra and Madrid. Navarra was selected not only because it is one of the most important producing regions in Spain, but also because it produces a wide variety of organic food products. Madrid is one the most important regions, together with Cataluna, in terms of organic food products consumption. Samples in both regions were selected using a stratified random sample of food buyers on the basis of age and district of residence2 . Four hundred respondents were randomly selected and personally interviewed at home in each region. Respondents were the main purchasers of food products within the household. The first question in the questionnaire was respondents’ 2 Census data were available in both regions. 5 degree of knowledge of what an organic product was. If the respondent did not know anything about them, he/she was not interviewed. So, only respondents with at least some knowledge of organic products were considered 3 . Only 10% of respondents in Navarra and 5% in Madrid claimed to buy organic products regularly, while another 55% in Navarra and 42%, in Madrid, were occasional buyers. These percentages are similar to those obtained in other studies ( ullen and Wholegenant, 1991; M Hansen and Sorensen, 1992, 1993). 4. Market segmentation for organic food As mentioned above, the first step in this study was to group consumers into homogeneous clusters. Consumers were segmented according to their lifestyles as previous research has shown that the willingness to pay for an organic product might be influenced by individual ways of living rather than by the usual socioeconomic variables (Hartman and New Hope, 1997). Once the market segments were obtained, they were characterized taking into account both consumers socioeconomic characteristics and their attitudes towards organic food products and environmental issues. Among socioeconomic characteristics, age, gender, education level, family size and income were judged to be the most relevant. Lifestyles as well as attitudes towards environmental issues, on one hand, and towards organic food products, on the other, were measured by three tested scales (the complete scales are shown in the Appendix). Respondents were asked to evaluate, assigning a value from 1 to 7, their agreement with different sentences. These three scales have been reduced by a principal components analysis to extract main dimensions on each aspect. 4 The main results from these analyses follow. i) Lifestyles. Table 3 shows the correlation between the original variables (sentences) and factors obtained from principal components analysis in Navarra and Madrid. In Navarra, lifestyles was summarized in three factors which account for 53% of the total variance (Table 3, top). The first one, ‘Natural food consumption’, explains 30% of the total variance and is linked to 3 Only consumers with at least a certain knowledge on what organic products are were interviewed. In a previous qualitative research, 90% respondents said they had heard or knew something about organic products. More or less the same percentage was found in the survey. Thus, the sample seems reasonably representative. 4 The non-linear principal components analysis (De Leeuw and Rijckevorsel, 1980) was also used as an alternative to condense the information. Results were almost identical to those presented. 6 consumption of fresh fruits and vegetables and the concern for reducing the consumption of red meat, processed food or food with additives. The second factor, ‘Life Equilibrium’, explains 14% of the total variance, and refers to the existence of a real interest on keeping a balance between work and private life, living in a methodical and ordered way and trying to reduce stress. Finally, the third factor contributes to 9% of the total variance. It is called, ‘Health care’, and shows the interest of consumers for keeping themselves healthy, through practicing sports, following a natural diet, controlling salt ingestion and regularly checking their health. In Madrid, four factors were selected which account for 62% of the total variance (Table 3, botton). The first three factors are similar to those obtained in Navarra, but in a different order, indicating that their relative importance differs. The first factor here is, ‘ Health care’, which explains 28% of the total variance and is linked to consumers awareness to regularly check their health. The second factor, ‘Natural food consumption’, contributes to explain 13% of the total lifestyles variance and, as in the case of Navarra, is linked to variables indicating consumers consumption of healthier food products. The third factor, ‘ ife Equilibrium’, has a similar L interpretation to the case of Navarra. Finally, the fourth factor, ‘Mediterranean diet ’, is related to a high consumption of fruits and a moderate consumption of meat. (Insert Table 3) ii) Attitudes towards environmental issues. In relation to attitudes about environmental issues, two factors were selected in both regions which explained 63% and 70% of the total variance in Navarra and Madrid, respectively (Table 4). The first factor, ‘Environmental conservation’, is related to variables indicating that consumers have an active interest in reducing the effect of environmental degradation by recycling products and using recycled products, etc. The second factor, ‘Environmental concerns’, is linked to those variables showing consumers awareness about the negative effect of development on the environment. (Insert Table 4) iii) Attitudes towards organic food products Table 5 shows the results of the principal components analysis carried out on variables related to consumers’ attitudes towards organic food products. The original information was summarized in two and three factors in the cases of Navarra and Madrid, respectively (Table 5). In Navarra the two factors account for 45% of the total variance. The first factor, ‘ Positive aspects’, emphasizes the quality, taste, healthiness, attractiveness and absence of harmful effects 7 of these products. The second factor, ‘Negative aspects’, is related to the perception that organic products are only a new fashion and more expensive than the conventional ones. In Madrid the three factors explain the 59% of the total variance. In this case, the organic food positive aspects were divided in two factors, ‘Quality and healthy aspects’ and ‘External appearance’ (related to organic food products’ attractiveness and taste). The â€Å"negative aspects† factor is related to the same attitudes as in the case of Navarra. (Insert Table 5) Market segmentation The K-means cluster analysis technique (Malhotra, 1993) was used to identify market segments in relation to organic food products. Lifestyles factors (Table 3) were used as segmentation variables. Three segments in Navarra and four segments in Madrid were identified. Each segment was characterized taking into account: consumers’ socioeconomic characteristics (age, gender, education level, family size and income); factors related to attitudes towards environmental issues (Table 4); factors related to attitudes towards organic food products (Table 5); and the consumption level of organic food products 5 . Results from cluster analysis and market segments characterization are shown in Tables 6 and 7, for Navarra and Madrid, respectively. (Insert Table 6) In Navarra, the first segment accounts for 25% of the sample (Table 6). It includes those people who show a leaning towards natural food consumption and a balanced life, but with no excessive care for their health. This is a potential consumer group of organic products as most of respondents occasionally consume them and a high proportion is willing to taste them in the near future. For this reason, the segment is labeled †Likely consumers†. Consumers in this segment are mainly women, middle-aged, with an educational level of high school or less and they positively assess the beneficial aspects of organic food products. The second segment includes 52% of consumers. It is formed by respondents evenly split between men and women. They are also not well educated (high school or less) and 75% are of medium income. They are worried about health and the balance between private life and work, but pay less attention to follow a natural diet. The percentage of regular and occasional 5. Four categories were defined: 1) regular consumption, 2) occasional consumption; 3) no consumption but probably yes in the near future; 4) no consumption at all. 8 consumers is the highest among all segments; therefore this segment is called â€Å"Organic food consumers†. Nevertheless, this big proportion could reflect certain confusion among consumers between real organic products and those grown in home gardens, for self-consumption. This is very frequent in this area. Navarra is a very important producer region of fruits and vegetables and many people living in town keep strong links with rural areas. This fact could also explain the negative value assigned to the â€Å"natural food consumption† factor. Furthermore, no need for a special consideration of healthy diet is shown as it is intrinsic to consumption habits. The third segment accounts for 23% of respondents. This is clearly the least involved group on natural food consumption, life equilibrium and health care and includes the highest percentage of no consumers. The relatively low potential consumption together with the lack of awareness about health and more natural diets suggest that organic consumption in this group will not be stimulated. Therefore, this segment is labeled as â€Å"Unlikely consumers†. Half of consumers in this segment have less than 35 years old. Finally, it is important to note that among the â€Å"unlikely consumers† half of them have more than a high school. Results from segmentation in Madrid are different because of the heterogeneity of an over 5 million inhabitants town (Table 7). Four segments were identified. Half of the consumers within the first segment (23% of the population) are over 60 years old and there are more households with 2 o fewer inhabitants than in the other groups. Consumers in this group are better educated than in other segments. However, almost 90% of consumers are of medium or modest income. They are not very aware of environmental problems but are worried about health issues and try to follow a â€Å"balanced† life. Mediterranean diet is valued positively but consumption of organic products is not of much interest for them as they do not appreciate the positive organic food products attributes. Therefore, this segment is called â€Å"Unlikely mature consumers†. (Insert Table 7) The second segment is similar to the previous one in terms of the consumption level although the percentage of regular and occasional consumers is even lower. In relation to sociodemographic characteristics consumers in this segments are younger, than those of the first segment, the percentage of male consumers is higher and, finally, family size is larger. They are not very involved in environmental issues, have a negative image of organic products and are not worried about diet and health but try to maintain a certain equilibrium between working and 9 private life. This segment is labeled â€Å"Unlikely young consumers† and accounts for 20% of the population. The third segment (22% of the population) is also mainly formed by households with 3 or 4 members (usually a couple with one or two children). The percentage of consumers educated beyond high school is very low in this group (17%). Consumers within this segment are looking for a more natural diet in which Mediterranean products play an important role, although they show a negative attitude towards the external appearance of organic food products. They are occasional buyers of organic food and are likely to increase their consumption if the natural attribute of such products is reinforced. Thus, this segment is called â€Å"Likely consumers†. Finally, the forth segment accounts for 35% of the population and is labeled â€Å"organic food consumers†. The percentage of regular and occasional consumers is the highest in relation to other groups. It is quite similar to the second segment found in Navarra although it is smaller. Consumers do not show special socioeconomic profiles. Only it is noticeable the high percentage of female consumers. People within this group participate more actively in environmental conservation tasks and are more concerned about food diet and health. As it can be observed from tables 6 and 7, market segments found in both regions present certain similarities although they are more heterogeneous in the case of Madrid. The â€Å"organic food consumers† segment is larger in the producing region (Navarra) as previously discussed. In any case, different market segments, with different socioeconomic and lifestyle characteristics, normally mean differences in preferences. In this paper, the main objective was to evaluate the consumer willingness to pay (WTP) for organic products. In the next section we will answer this question and will identify differences across segments in both regions. 5. Willingness to pay: the contingent valuation method Consumers willingness to pay (WTP) for organic food products is here measured using a direct valuation method: contingent valuation (CV). A mixed questioning procedure, normally called closed-ended with follow-up was used. This procedure consists of a dichotomous choice (DC) question and a maximum WTP question. In the DC question, consumers are asked whether or not they are willing to pay a premium, A, to buy an organic food product instead of a i conventional one. The amount Ai is a percentage over the price of the conventional product and 10 differs across consumers (5%, 10%, 15% and 20%)6 . Consumers responses are YES if they are willing to pay at least Ai for an organic product or NO, otherwise. Consumers are then asked for the exact premium they are willing to pay. The dichotomous individual response is linked to the maximum utility choice which allows us to calculate the WTP from appropriate welfare measures (Hanemann, 1984). Hanemann (1984) assumed that consumers know, with certainty, their utility function before being asked and after paying the amount Ai for buying organic food products. However, some components of these utilities are unknown or unobservable by researches who consider them as stochastic. This issue is the crucial assumption which explains the relation between statistical binary response models and the utility maximizing theory (Hanemann, 1984, 1987). Assuming a linear utility function and a logistic distribution function for the binary question, the WTP can be measured through the estimation of the following logistic function (Hanemann, 1984): Pi = (1 + e -(? + ? Ai) )-1 where, Pi : 1 if consumers are willing to pay the amount Ai and 0 otherwise Ai : the four premiums offered to consumers (5%, 10%, 15% and 20%) Therefore, the mean of WTP is calculated as follows: E(WTP) = ? ?0 (1 + e -(? + ? A) )-1 dA = -? /? (1) Survey data consisted of 400 questionnaires but only 360 were available in Navarra and 376 in Madrid for estimation purposes. The rest of questionnaires were dropped out because interviewers had not answered the dichotomous question. Model defined in (1) was transformed to a linear one: DCi = ? + ? Ai where, DCi : is the logarithm of the probability ratio (Pi /1- Pi ) (2). 6 Consumers are randomly offered a premium of 5, 10, 15 or 20% above the marketed price for a conventional product. Our 400 interviews resulted in 100 answers for each amount A i . 11 Tables 8 and 9 show the maximum willingness to pay for various organic products (vegetables, potatoes, cereals, fruits, eggs, chicken and red meat) in Navarra and Madrid 7 . As we were interested in knowing if WTP differences existed across market segments, we tested for differences in WTP using a covariance analysis method. The unrestricted model was equation (1) adding the appropriate dummy variables. Two types of restrictions were tested: i) no differences across all segments; and ii) differences between any pair of segments. Results from Likelihood Ratio tests are shown in Tables 8 and 9. (Insert Table 8) (Insert Table 9) Also, we tested for starting point bias, that is, if premium offered to consumers biased WTP results. A linear regression was used to estimate consumers WTP as a function of the offered premium. A significant relationship would mean that WTP results were biased. Only in the case of potatoes in Madrid, results were conditioned to the offered premium. In the case of Navarra, all estimated parameters in segments 1 and 2 are individually significant at 5% level (Table 8). As expected, ? coefficients are negative, meaning that the higher is the premium (Ai) offered to consumers, the lower is the probability of answering YES. The third column in each segment shows the willingness to pay for organic products. The WTP is significantly different among all segments at 5% significance level (first column in Table 8). However, no differences were found between segment 1 and segment 2, indicating that potential and actual consumers are willing to pay a similar premium for all products. In both segments, the WTP ranges from 15% to 25% over the price of conventional products. Consumers included in the third segment, â€Å"Unlikely consumers†, are more reluctant to pay a premium for an organic product which is consistent with their attitudes and lifestyles. Most of the estimated parameters are not significant indicating that their WTP is zero. Only in the case of eggs is the WTP close to 10%. In general terms, consumers in Madrid were willing to pay a smaller premium for an organic product (Table 9). Furthermore, when compared to Navarra, results obtained in Madrid are substantially different as market segments differ. The most interesting result is that all segments are willing to pay a higher premium for fruits and vegetables. It seems that for 7 For comparison purposes the sample average WTP for different products in Navarra and Madrid are respectively: vegetables (13%, 12%); potatoes (9%, 9%); cereals (10%, 8%); fruits (13%, 13%); eggs (10%, 11%); chicken (13%, 9%) and; red meat (14%, 11%). 12 perishable products, like fruits and vegetables, the specific characteristics of organic production are more appreciated by consumers. Consumers’ WTP is significantly different across all segments when jointly considered. However, differences segment 1, 2 and 3 are quite small and not significant in most products. On the other hand, the â€Å"Organic food consumers† are willing to pay a higher and significantly different premium than the rest for an organic food product. Only for animal products (red meat, chicken and eggs), differences between real and potential consumers (market segments 4 and 3) are not significant. Among â€Å"unlikely consumers† (market segments 1 and 2), the older ones, worried about natural food consumption, are willing to pay a higher premium for organic meat products than the younger. 6. Conclusions Organic farming practices are becoming increasingly popular among producers although they still represent a marginal share of arable land. New possibilities to get subsidies within the Common Agricultural Policy has favored a rapid growth of organic production although a high percentage is devoted to pastures. On the demand side, the increase concerns about health, diet and environmental deterioration have, at least among some market segments, stimulated the demand for organic food. In Spain, organic food production and consumption have grown more slowly than in other â€Å"northern† European countries. One of the main obstacles for organic food expansion in Spain is the existing gap between conventional and organic food prices. Approximately 75% of organic production is exported to foreign countries where food prices are higher than in domestic markets. As the producers price strategy is oriented to fix more or less the same price level in both domestic and foreign markets (mainly in Germany and Denmark where the consumption of organic products has undertaken a noticeable increase in the last years), the result is that the premium Spanish consumers have to pay for organic food products is higher in comparison to other European countries. Two issues were explored which can affect the future development of organic production in Spain. The first was to detect market segments which could be potential consumers of organic food. The second issue was the identification of the maximum premium the various market segments were willing to pay for such products in order to help producers to take adequate pricing strategies in domestic markets. The study was carried out in two Spanish regions: one is 13 an active producing area ( avarra) while the other is the main food consumption market N (Madrid). Differences between regions were also analyzed. Finally, one of the main outcomes of this paper is that it covers a wide range of products in order to make comparisons both between products and market segments. In relation to the first issue, market segments were identified considering consumers lifestyles and, then, were characterized taking into account not only consumers socioeconomic characteristics but also consumption levels and attitudes towards organic food products and environmental issues. Similar segments were obtained in both regions although more heterogeneity was found in the case of Madrid. In general terms, three broad market segments were identified: consumers, likely consumers and unlikely consumers. The surprising result is that organic food consumers in both regions were larger than expected taking into account expenditure figures discussed in section 2. The answer to this surprising result is that in many areas consumers are supplying their own products. They consider them organic, simply because no fertilizers are used, when really they are not, as there is not any official certification. In spite of this result, some concluding remarks can be outlined. In general terms, consumers socioeconomic characteristics are not very relevant when explaining differences among market segments. Lifestyles and attitudes towards environmental issues are key factors explaining organic food consumption and have to be considered when designing appropriate promotion strategies by producers or marketers. In relation to the second issue, three main results were obtained.

Tuesday, October 22, 2019

Changes in Mary Rowlandsons Life during Captivity essays

Changes in Mary Rowlandsons Life during Captivity essays Throughout the narrative we can see how Mary Rowlandsons views towards the food of the Indians gradually shifts throughout her captivity, and how this is related to the changes in her Puritan values and life throughout her eleven weeks of captivity. The idea of food is constantly used throughout Mary Rowlandsons narrative, because it was the one essential physical desire that she needed to survive her captivity. Before her captivity, Mary Rowlandson was the wife of a Puritan minister that knew nothing of what suffering and affliction was like (Rowlandson Before I knew what affliction meant, I was ready sometimes to wish for it (Rowlandson One hour I have been in health, and wealth, wanting nothing: But the next hour in sickness and wounds, and death, having nothing but sorrow and affliction (Rowlandson After the February 10, 1675 attack by the Narrhaganset Indians on her Lancaster home, Mary Rowlandson described the attacking Indians as Barbarous Creatures, whom she had to go with in order to survive (Rowlandson I having nothing to eat by the way this day, but a few crumbs of Cake, that an Indian gave my girle the same day we were taken (Rowlandson & Salisbury, 92). This statement s...

Monday, October 21, 2019

Is Being An Ethic Minority Influential In The Diagnosis Of Depression Social Work Essay Essays

Is Being An Ethic Minority Influential In The Diagnosis Of Depression Social Work Essay Essays Is Being An Ethic Minority Influential In The Diagnosis Of Depression Social Work Essay Essay Is Being An Ethic Minority Influential In The Diagnosis Of Depression Social Work Essay Essay The essay rubric is funny and could be interpreted in a figure of ways. First, it invites me to make up ones mind whether the essay should be from the position of a client, or the healer, or both. I have chosen to show the essay from the point of position that it is the client who is a member of an cultural minority group. Possibly what drew me to this rubric over the others is of personal significance, being from a multicultural household and holding lived and worked in states in the Far East and West Africa where civilization and society is immensely different to that of the UK. Essentially, I have experienced being an cultural minority member in the opposite context and hence was eager to research the essay from a clients position in the UK. I chose to concentrate on depression instead than psychosis, as I was less cognizant of current research associating ethnicity to depression and felt this would equilibrate out my motives and be good for my development as a trainee. As for the content, I will get down with a treatment on what is meant by an cultural minority group and by the term depression. I will so show my position of how ethnicity affects the diagnostic procedure, initiated with a brief health warning about the deductions of racial stereotyping. Following this I will concentrate on presentation of symptoms and the preparation procedure of depression. The 2nd half of the essay will be about the intervention procedure, looking closely at the influence of ethnicity on help-seeking behavior and psychological interventions. Finally I will stop the essay with a brooding history incorporating my ideas about completing the essay and a decision. What is an cultural minority group? In its original signifier, the term ethnicity agencies people or tribe ( i.e. ethos ; Franklin, 1983 ) . Senior A ; Bhopal ( 1994 ) high spot that is now used as a variable to depict wellness informations . On closer review, the construct of ethnicity is non simple or easy to understand. First, cultural minority position does non account for alterations over clip and context. There are besides many different footings used for groups. McKenzie and Crowcroft ( 1996 ) highlight a good illustration of this: aˆÂ ¦a Black Baptist Born in the UK whose parents were born in Jamaica might be called Afro-Caribbean, black British, of Caribbean origin UK Born, West Indian, and of class, Jamaican . Furthermore, cultural classification does non inform us of whether the person is of first or 2nd coevals descent, non to advert the migratory position of the person. Give our multicultural clime, the significance of ethnicity is a beginning of go oning argument and is besides likely to alter with national tendencies and political relations. For illustration, the Irish have merely late be recognized as an cultural minority in the UK. Although the National Institute for Mental Health ( NIMH, 2001 ) has advised that ethnicity should be self-identified, this does non ever go on in the procedure of research. McKenzie A ; Crowcroft ( 1996 ) point out that this leaves many research workers in the place of delegating rank of an cultural minority group on an informal footing in order to hold comparable informations. Indeed, specifying an cultural minority group is debatable due to the deficiency of consensus. Despite these issues it was necessary for me to attach myself to a concrete definition for the intent of this essay. Furthermore, I have selected a peculiar cultural minority group ( African-Caribbean s ) when specific illustrations are needed. The definition I am following sing an cultural minority group is: Those with a cultural heritage distinct from the bulk population ( Manthorpe A ; Hattiaratchy, 1993 ) . What is Depression? Depression is a term used both clinically and in mundane discourse ( Valente, 1994 ) to depict a host of unpleasant feelings which people experience, runing from a low temper to depicting a situational feeling ( Keller A ; Nesse, 2005 ) . When depression is considered clinically important is it rather different from the common experiences merely narrated. A individual may be diagnosed with clinical depression if they are sing down temper or loss of involvement and pleasance plus at least five other inauspicious feelings during a two-week period or longer ( DSM-IV ; American Psychological Association, 1994 ) . When depression is at its worst, it can do people retreat from ordinary pleasances and concentration may go really hapless. Some people with depression study a sense of hopelessness and can see self-destructive feelings or ideations as a consequence ( APA, 1994 ) . Clinical depression can happen aboard different upsets and be multifaceted in its presentation. It is likely just to state depression does non happen in every state across the universe in the manner we view it in the West. Other civilizations may label it as something different. For illustration, Kleinman ( 1980, as cited in Bentall, 2003 ) found Western depression and a Chinese status called Neurasthenia to be the same thing, although expressed in different cultural ways. Given this, I question how utile our depression label is. This essay is nevertheless, directed by the rubric and the focal point of this essay will therefore follow the DSM-IV definition of depression. Harmonizing to the Office for National Statistics clinical depression is experienced by 10 % of the British Population at any one clip. Depression is a diagnosing of increasing popularity, and was one time referred to as the common cold of psychopathology ( Seligman, 1975 as cited in Hawton et al. , 2000 ) . It is estimated that there are over 6 million people in England entirely who are designated as from minority cultural groups ( Department of Health ( DoH ) , 2003 ) . Much of our current cognition of depression in UK African-Caribbean people relies on limited research demoing inconsistent consequences. I feel such statistics frequently lead to misdiagnosis, as clinicians are informed by research and policy. In order to avoid statistical favoritism I have hence non included any informations displaying suggested prevalence rates of depression in this population. Chakraborty ( 2002 ) points out that early surveies were criticized for methodological jobs, but argues that more recent surveies have attempted to recommend more strict methodological analysis. More recent surveies tend to propose a high prevalence of depression in African-Caribbean populations ( e.g. Nazroo, 1997 as cited in Chakraborty, 2002 ) . Interestingly, it is besides thought that depression is underecognised and unde rtreated in African-Caribbeans, particularly in primary attention ( Ahmed A ; Bhugra, 2006 ) . To what extent is rank of an cultural minority group influential in the procedure of diagnosing of people sing depression? In the recent Inside Outside UK national enterprise ( Department of Health, 2003 ) a well-established nexus between wellness attention disparities and ethnicity is claimed and constructions are recommended which mark this. I question the wider deductions of bring forthing such paperss as it appears to propose people should be viewed otherwise harmonizing to their cultural position. As Lewis-Fernandez ( 2002 ) justly indicate out, even people who portion the same cultural minority position can differ, as cultural groups are culturally heterogenous . As celebrated above, rank of an cultural group is non a inactive thing and there are huge differences within an ethnic group every bit good as exterior of it. I can associate to this as I frequently have troubles when finishing the cultural position box on equal chances signifiers. Although I would category myself as white-British my male parent is Italian-American and my female parent is Swiss, hence I have four passports. I usually choose to categorise myself as British nevertheless this sometimes alterations to white-other or white-American depending on where I have been populating. In my experience, I feel the desire to categorise people in society outweighs the utility of making so. Given the progressively multicultural clime of the UK it may non ever be accurate to province that white people are of the dominant beginning nevertheless statistically that is presently the instance. This means that the comparatively recent rush in involvement and attending on differences of cultural groups in mental wellness is frequently taken from an essentialist position, where differences are observed from my or our position. Claims made in research detailing differences between cultural groups besides encourage categorising of persons, which merely creates an othering between groups. There is a concern for me that by concentrating on the differences between African-Caribbean s and Whites, or any other ethnic minority merely serves to reenforce the thought of racial differences and segregation. Institutional racism is a signifier of favoritism, which stems from the impression that groups should be treated otherwise harmonizing to phenotypic difference ( Mckenzie, 1999 ) . It has been suggested that it is widespread in the UK ( Modood et al. , 1997 ) . It seems to me that if we are to eliminate racial disparities in mental wellness attention ; concordant with the purposes of the recent Department of Health enterprise ( 2003 ) , we all need to look at the manner we are speaking and showing our thoughts around this. For the grounds merely discussed I will now try to show a position that is balanced and allows disparities of depression in African-Caribbean people to be seen in a relational context. Whilst I will depict possible countries of difference, the purpose is non to pigeonhole people harmonizing to their ethnicity. Presentation The bodily manners of sing and showing hurt may be different for some people of African-Caribbean beginning life in the UK than people from other cultural backgrounds. Some surveies suggest they experience and nowadays more bodily symptoms of depression, e.g. concerns, aching limbs ( Comino et al, 2001 ) . Comino and co-workers besides suggest parlances of hurt differ linguistically and can take the signifier of cultural metaphors . If clinicians do non acknowledge these symptoms as marks of hurt I imagine some clients may be left feeling rather frustrated. For us as healers this does do the procedure of diagnosing more complex. An consciousness of the possibility of bodily presentations, with a position to asking about the clients apprehension of them seems helpful. An attack for appraisal and apprehension of bodily symptoms of depression and parlances of hurt has been developed ( Lewis-Fernandez A ; Diaz, 2002 ) . There have besides been efforts at placing the nucleus symptoms of depression across different cultural groups, although the last one is most likely outdated now. In their big cross-cultural survey, Jablensky et al. , ( 1981 as cited in Bhugra A ; Ayonrinde, 2004 ) found nine common international symptoms of depression: unhappiness, joylessness, anxiousness, tenseness, deficiency of energy, loss of involvement, hapless concentration and thoughts of inadequacy, insufficiency and ineptitude. Possibly making more surveies like this could assist in us developing a more cosmopolitan attack to symptom acknowledgment. Despite the grounds, I do believe that symptom presentation of depression can change for a figure of grounds wholly unrelated to an person s cultural minority position. Children were one time considered a hard and under diagnosed population as they frequently present with bodily symptoms ( e.g. failure to do expected weight additions in really immature kids ; Carson A ; Cantwell, 1980 ) which makes it hard to name. Subsequently, evaluation graduated tables and steps have been devised which are appropriate for different age groups and enable a conventional diagnosing to be made ( Goodyer, 2001 ) . Peoples populating with HIV may besides show bodily symptoms of depression. Kalichman et al. , ( 2000 ) suggest available methods for separating overlapping symptoms should be utilised when measuring such persons. It seems obvious to me that we have to accommodate standard methods of acknowledging depressive symptoms when covering with the diverseness that of course occurs in human existen ces. Language is besides thought to be a possible barrier ( Mentality, 2004 ) in the diagnostic procedure of depression. African-Caribbean people may non ever speak clear English but speak multiple local linguistic communications or with an speech pattern. Whilst I know this happens, I could non happen any research look intoing the per centums of African-Caribbean people in the UK and their linguistic communication abilities. This alleged barrier could hence be perceived instead than existent ; nevertheless I will briefly discuss methods to work with this in the clinical context. As stated in the aforesaid Inside Outside papers ( 2003 ) mental wellness services now aim to be culturally capable , which includes undertaking troubles with linguistic communication. There is no uncertainty in my head that communicating is a cardinal component in diagnosing, and I know from personal experience that non being able to pass on in a locally understood linguistic communication can do people to expe rience stray. Therefore, guaranting linguistic communication entree for people who speak a linguistic communication other than English through appropriate interpreting/translating services is important. However, I do experience that this parallels a demand for people who have other troubles with linguistic communication. For illustration, I am certain it can be hard to place depression in persons who have suffered badly dehabilitating shots or physical hurts where address is badly impaired. My point is that there are an array of factors which influence the manner people talk about their troubles and how they are understood by clinicians. Not being able to talk the English linguistic communication in a clear English speech pattern is merely one of those factors. I feel the issue raised here is more related to how we work with diverseness instead than how we work with ethnicity. Formulation As a trainee clinical psychologist involved in the diagnostic procedure of depression I am besides concerned with the preparation procedure and how this is affected. The beliefs people have about the nature and causes of depression do differ between civilizations. For illustration, Bhugra et al. , ( 1997 ) found in some African and Asiatic civilizations depression is seen as part of life s ups and downs and it is non thought of as a treatable status. From this position, many psychological theoretical accounts which aid us in understanding depression can account for the differing beliefs and experiences of people. For illustration, the Cognitive theoretical account of depression ( Beck, 1967, 1976 ) suggests that people s early experiences lead people to organize beliefs or schemes about themselves and the universe. These premises are thought to do negative automatic ideas which perpetuate symptoms of depression on five different degrees ; behavioral, motivational, affectional, cogni tive and bodily. Despite this theoretical account being rather flexible at face value, nevertheless, the negative cognitive three ( Beck, 1979 ) is directed by the beliefs and experiences of the person. This may non suit in with those from more leftist civilizations. Indeed, we know that societal webs frequently play an of import portion in the belief systems of cultural minority members ( Bhugra A ; Ayonrinde, 2004 ) . Therefore believing more systemically may be peculiarly utile when sing persons from cultural minority groups. However, we do need to be cautious in doing premises about what beliefs people from cultural minorities have. There is a danger that in making so, we may be able to explicate quicker but may besides do considerable hurt to the client. I late attended a mental wellness consciousness class as portion of my arrangement where an African Caribbean service user came to speak to us about her experiences of being in the mental wellness system. She described her foremost traumatic admittance to infirmary after a close self-destruction effort at the age of 19. She told us it was persistently assumed by mental wellness staff that she had attempted suicide because she did non understand or suit in with the preponderantly white community in her country. She told us how disquieted and misunderstood this made her feel, as this was non the instance at all. On contemplation, this highlights the importance of service-user feedback in clinical pattern. The inquiry I see looking with respects is how we as clinicians in the UK can outdo explore the beliefs, experiences and background of the multicultural population we are working with in order to name suitably. As Fernandez A ; Diaz justly point out, to make this we need a systematic method for arousing and measuring cultural information in the clinical brush ( Fernandez A ; Diaz, 2002 ) . There is a dearth of information debating ways to take this forward and theoretical accounts to encapsulate these thoughts are presently being developed and tested in the USA. One such theoretical account is the Cultural Formulation theoretical account ( Lewis-Fernandez A ; Diaz, 2002 ) , which is an enlargement on the depression guidelines, published in the DSM-IV. The advanced theoretical account consists of five constituents ; measuring cultural individuality, cultural accounts of the unwellness, cultural factors related to the psychosocial environment and degrees of operation, cultural ele ments of the clinician-client relationship and the overall impact of civilization on diagnosing and attention. I find this theoretical account really inclusive as it can still arouse really utile information about culturally-based norms, values and behaviors even when there is no cultural difference between the clinician and the client. Whilst cultural differences exist within an cultural group, they are non needfully ethnicity-bound. For illustration, they can every bit be associated with an person s age, gender, socioeconomic position, educational background, household position and wider societal web ( Ahmed and Bhugra, 2006 ) . If this is the instance, so I would state that it is of import for clinicians to hold a really explorative and funny attack when measuring and naming an person in a mental wellness service, whether they are from an cultural minority or non. To what extent is rank of an cultural minority group influential in the procedure of intervention of people sing depression? Some people with depression get better without any intervention. However, populating with depression can be disputing as it impacts many countries of an persons life including relationships, employment, and their physical wellness. Therefore, many people with depression do seek some signifier of intervention. This procedure normally begins at primary attention degree and so a collaborative determination is made between the patient and the clinician as to what intervention suits them best. It has been suggested that Africa-Caribbean people are less likely than Whites to digest antidepressant medicine ( Cooper et Al, 1993 ) . Therefore this subdivision of this essay will concentrate on the procedure of psychological interventions of depression. Treatments vary and have altered radically with the turning usage of Cognitive Behavioural Therapy ( CBT ) , which is based on the scientist-practitioner theoretical account and routinely offers outcome informations ( Whitfield, 2003 ) . In CB T, and in the bulk of other speaking therapies, intervention normally involves seeing a healer for a figure of Sessionss on a regular footing. Seeking aid There look to be two chief possible barriers when it comes to the intervention of down clients from cultural minorities. First, the help-seeking behavior of African-Caribbean and other cultural minority groups have attracted considerable attending in the research sphere. Members of the African-Caribbean population are thought to be less likely to seek professional intervention for depression. Whilst reading a mountain of documents naming grounds why the help-seeking behavior of people from cultural minorities is so different , a few thoughts sprung to my head. From my ain experience when people are really down they may fight to acquire motivated and do less usage of the support available to them. Furthermore, I wonder whether one it is a possibility that African-Caribbean s bash non near services every bit much because of negative experiences of the UK mental wellness system. I recall seeing an aged Jamaican gentleman for an appraisal last twelvemonth whilst working as an Assistant in a Clinical Health section. Following the really limited referral information I had, I elicited his thoughts about what brought him to our service. He told me that he had felt unable to get by with his low temper and intrusive ideas for some piece, nevertheless he did non experience able to seek aid because a household member of his had been treated below the belt by mental wellness staff be fore. Possibly the grounds for people non accessing intervention are simpler than we think. In their survey of grounds for exclusion of African-Caribbean people in mental wellness services, Mclean et al. , ( 2003 ) found the types of interactions between staff and patients strongly associated with disparities in intervention. They encourage positive, non-judgmental interactions as the first measure on the way to societal inclusion of mental wellness services ( Mclean et al. , 2003 ) . Their survey reminded me of a study I read late on arrangement about the Circles of Fear ( Salisbury Centre for Mental Health, 2002 ) . Basically, this study stipulates that people from cultural minorities tend to hold a more negative experience of the mental wellness system. Peoples may so fear the effects of going involved with it and avoid contact. This leads me to believe that we ( the wellness service ) are really much portion of the ground why such persons may non seek aid. Geography may besides be a ground for changing help-seeking behavior. Peoples populating in rural countries are thought to be at hazard of confronting isolation and sing favoritism in mental wellness intervention ( Barry et al, 2000 ) . I do believe there is something valuable about looking at populations which services are non making. However, it has merely struck me that composing about the help-seeking behavior of people can come across as rather faulting and puts the duty really much with the person. Whatever the ground, if minority members are less likely to acquire appropriate attention, I feel the focal point should be on how to prosecute different members of society in effectual attention for depression. Fortunately, down people who fail to seek aid for intervention can frequently be identified and treated in general medical scenes ( Shulberg et al, 1999 ) . One survey besides suggests that the bulk of people who are depressed do desire aid, irrespective of their ethnicity ( Brody et al, 1997 ) . What I find peculiarly interesting is that the desire for aid seems to be related to the badness of the depression in precedency of their cultural minority position. Thus it appears that ethnicity, badness of depression, geographical location, old experiences with the mental wellness system and beliefs about what aid is available all influence help-seeking behavior. Psychological Treatment The 2nd claimed trouble in the intervention of African-Caribbean people who are depressed is hapless attending rates and incompletion of intervention ( Bhugra A ; Ayonrinde, 2004 ) . There are besides claims that African-Caribbean people are more likely to see a poorer result from intervention. Given that the hunt for a biological cause for disparities in intervention success rates has non been fruitful we must turn our focal point to other accounts. Given that the relationship between the healer and client is a cardinal constituent of intervention result, I am traveling to concentrate on those which link to the curative confederation. There are few empirical surveies which explore how cultural differences affect the curative confederation and these have consisted largely of client penchants. Cultural strangeness may move as intervention to some African-Caribbean people remaining in psychological intervention ( Davidson, 1987 ) . In their survey of secondary school pupils, Uhlemann et Al ( 2004 ) looked at how being an cultural minority healer affected relationships in a guidance puting. They found cultural minority counselors were perceived more favourably than white-Caucasian counselors. Most pupils believed healers were less able to understand or sympathize with them if the healer was ethnically different. In another survey Coleman et al. , ( 1995 ) surveyed surveies comparing cultural minority clients penchants of healers, being ethnically similar or ethnically dissimilar. They found that in most instances clients preferable healers of similar cultural background, peculiarly those with strong cultural fond reg ards. I acknowledge that this may be something to be cognizant of as a healer ; nevertheless I do non believe this in itself would set people off psychological intervention. It might be utile for us as healers to turn to this issue and to make so early on in the intervention procedure. One manner of making this could be to turn to any obvious cultural differences and research together how it may impact the given relationship. This may besides assist the procedure of understanding which is deemed really of import in beef uping the curative confederation. Whilst this is something I will seek and be cognizant of in my pattern, I besides feel it is of import to show this treatment in a realistic and in context. From my experience as a trainee, the age and sum of experience a healer is far more valuable and influential than the cultural position of a healer. One lady I saw late had trouble accepting me as her healer for the simple fact that she worried about how much I would be able to assist her in comparing to a qualified clinical psychologist. There was besides an cultural difference between us but this was did non do her concern. Similarly, Coleman et Al ( 1995 ) asked clients persons in their survey to name the features of a competent healer in order of importance. Certain plenty, they found that people placed cultural similarity below that of other features such as educational ability, adulthood, gender, personality and attitude. I think this illuminates merely how of import it is for us to orient the intervention procedure to the single demands and concerns of the client. Is a more holistic attack to psychological intervention of depression the reply? I do inquire whether CBT, the current preferable theoretical account of intervention, will shortly lose its popularity. The slightly normative nature of CBT for depression may intend the changing demands of people in our multicultural clime are non being met. Rather than making new and separate intervention theoretical accounts or services for cultural minority clients, possibly we should be encompassing 1s which encourage clients to take the intervention. One theoretical account I find demonstrates this is the Recovery theoretical account. Recovery from mental unwellness is seen as a personal journey and the alone experiences of each person are valued and explored ( Jacobson A ; Greenley, 2001 ) . Treatment utilizing this theoretical account works around assisting the client addition hope, a secure base, supportive relationships, authorization, societal inclusion, get bying accomplishments, and happeni ng intending to their experiences. Although used more with persons sing major mental wellness jobs, I think the rules are really inclusive and utile for the intervention of any mental wellness job, including depression. Of class, I have merely touched upon one theoretical account and there are many more which embrace single differences. Brooding statement As a current trainee on my grownup mental wellness arrangement, I can non feign that I am able to supply an nonsubjective nor extensively experient position. I am besides cognizant that I am at the beginning of my arrangement, in a service which really much promotes recovery from mental unwellness through understanding the person instead than flatly through their psychiatric label . Whilst this may hold had an influence over my stance towards the essay subject, I have witnessed the positive effects in my clinical work of non categorising people and experience that this has indicated some valid concerns. Upon completing this essay it came to mind that that the perkiness of the essay may be a contemplation of the thoughts and inquiries I have been coping with as portion of my pattern on arrangement. However, these thoughts are by no means a closed trade and I continue to work with them in an applied context. Furthermore, I acknowledge that had I chosen to show this essay presuming that it was the healer who was a member of an cultural minority, my essay and decisions may be really different. How will compose this essay impact my pattern as a Trainee Clinical psychologist? I do experience we are in a combative state of affairs. If we treat people otherwise harmonizing to any issue of diverseness we run the hazard of perpetuating institutional racism. Ion the other side of the coin, if we work with everybody in precisely the same manner and attempt and fit people in to Eurocentric systems so we run the hazard of disregarding of import cultural differences. What I will take from this is the importance of being sensitive to people s backgrounds and experiences and probe of what makes them who they are. I will decidedly try to convey more flexibleness, wonder and receptivity to my pattern and acknowledge when there is a noticeable difference between myself and the client in the curative scene. Decision In decision, rank of an cultural minority group may act upon the diagnosing and intervention procedure in how people experience depression, nowadays to services and perchance how they proceed with psychological interventions. If we are to name and handle depression through a Euro centric lens, we should be encompassing the usage of theoretical accounts which allow for cultural diverseness in the diagnosing and intervention of depression. However, as I hope I have demonstrated in my authorship, no two people in a curative scene will of all time be precisely the same. So how utile is it to continually concentrate on cultural differences when they are merely one bead in the ocean of diverseness? Possibly alternatively we need a displacement in the dominant discourses environing cultural differences in mental wellness? The existent challenge I think we face is understanding how the individuality of the single contributes to the diagnosing and intervention of depression.

Sunday, October 20, 2019

Definition and Examples of Titles in Composition

Definition and Examples of Titles in Composition - In composition, a title is a word or phrase given to a text (an essay, article, chapter, report, or other work) to identify the subject, attract the readers attention, and forecast the tone and substance of the writing to follow. A title may be followed by a colon and a subtitle, which usually amplifies or focuses the idea expressed in the title. Examples and Observations It is important to know the title before you begin- then you know what you are writing about. (Nadine Gordimer, quoted by D. J. R. Bruckner in A Writer Puts the Political Above the Personal. The New York Times, Jan. 1, 1991)The title comes afterwards, usually with considerable difficulty. . . . A working title often changes. (Heinrich Bà ¶ll, interview in The Paris Review, 1983) Catching the Readers Interest At the minimum, titles- like labels- should accurately indicate the contents in the package. In addition, however, good titles capture the readers interest with some catchy phrasing or imaginative language- something to make the reader want to buy the package. Barbara Kingsolver uses the title, High Tide in Tucson to catch our interest: What are tides doing in landlocked Tucson, Arizona? Samuel H. Scudders title is a good label (the essay is about looking at fish) and uses catchy phrasing: Take This Fish and Look at It. (Stephen Reid, The Prentice Hall Guide for College Writers, 2003) Tips for Creating Catchy Titles Titles catch the attention of readers and provide a clue to the papers content. If a title doesnt suggest itself in the writing of your paper, try one of these strategies: Use one strong short phrase from your paper Present a question that your paper answers State the answer to the question or issue your paper will explore Use a clear or catchy  image  from your paper Use a famous  quotation Write a one-word title (or a two-word title, a three-word-title, and so on) Begin your title with the word  On Begin your title with a  gerund  (-ing  word) (Toby Fulwiler and Alan R. Hayakawa, The Blair Handbook. Prentice Hall, 2003) Metaphorical Titles Is there a factor that above all others contributes to making a title intriguing and memorable? Ive studied the titles that have captured the public imagination during my lifetime. Add to The Heart Is a Lonely Hunter, The Red Badge of Courage, and The Blackboard Jungle the following titles that almost everyone seems to like, and ask yourself what they have in common: Tender Is the NightA Moveable FeastThe Catcher in the RyeThe Grapes of Wrath All seven of these titles are metaphors. They put two things together that dont ordinarily go together. They are intriguing, resonant, and provide exercise for the readers imagination. (Sol Stein, Stein on Writing. St. Martins Griffin, 1995) Selling an Article or Book An effective title is to your article or book what a good preview of coming attractions is to a movie. It announces what your manuscript is about in such a way that it compels your reader to sit up and take notice. And if that reader is an editor who possibly will buy your material, an enticing title can open doors for you. (John McCollister, quoted by Jim Fisher in The Writers Quotebook: 500 Authors on Creativity, Craft, and the Writing Life. Rutgers University Press, 2006) Subtitles To the prospective reader, a subtitle is to a book what a carnival barker is to a midway: the step-right-up pitchman who peddles a mixture of awe, enlightenment and- no less important- bang for the buck. The marketing-savvy Galileo appended to his volume of heavenly observations, The Starry Messenger (1610), a prose banner that stretches nearly 70 words. In it, the Florentine astronomer promised readers great and very wonderful sights- the moon, sun and stars, literally- and even tossed in a paean to his Medici patron. Modern-day subtitles are generally shorter, yet they continue to tantalize us with invitations to learn the surprising secrets of Americas wealthy, tag along in one womans search for everything, or craft a life of well-being, wisdom and wonder. (Alan Hirshfeld, The Limit of Reason. The Wall Street Journal, May 3-4, 2014) Nick Hornby on the Lighter Side of Titles My advice to young writers: never begin a title with a preposition, because you will find that it is impossible to utter or to write any sentence pertaining to your creation without sounding as if you have an especially pitiable stutter. He wanted to talk to me about About a Boy. What about About a Boy? The thing about About a Boy . . . Are you excited about About a Boy? And so on. I wonder if Steinbeck and his publishers got sick of it? What do you think of Of Mice and Men? Ive just finished the first half of Of Mice and Men. Whats the publication date of Of Mice and Men? . . . Still, it seemed like a good idea at the time. (Nick Hornby, Songbook. McSweeneys, 2002) More on Composition Sentence Case  and  Title CaseWhich Words in a Title Should Be Capitalized?Lead

Saturday, October 19, 2019

How are Wealth and Physical Health Linked Assignment

How are Wealth and Physical Health Linked - Assignment Example It is clear from the discussion that the developed nations have arrived at a new stage in their health care setups. This stage is defined by the provision of some of the most complex medical procedures and services to a section of their population (Pakenham 2004, p. 42). Most of these procedures are required for diseases that are the result of faulty lifestyles. It goes without saying that these procedures tend to be very costly and resources intensive. As a result, the health budgets of most of the developed countries like the UK and the USA run in billions of dollars (Pakenham 2004, p. 43). The developed countries are finding it very difficult to manage this financial aspect of health care. So they are fast reducing the scope and range of services that they provide their populations with (Pakenham 2004, p. 42).  In contrast, in developing countries, millions of people die every year of diseases that are either preventable or can be easily cured (Pakenham 2004, p. 46). The develop ed nations were able to win over these diseases by focusing on the basics like clean drinking water and sanitation (Pakenham 2004, p. 46). However, the developing nations in Asia and Africa lack the financial resources to provide clean drinking water and sanitation to large sections of their populations (Pakenham 2004, p. 48).  The developed nations can get over the resource crunch they are facing by shifting from crisis management towards a preventive approach towards healthcare (Pakenham 2004, p. 43). The developing nations can also benefit by focusing on providing primary health care services to their masses. Many developing countries like Cuba and Nigeria have already achieved impressive results by focusing on primary health care (Pakenham 2004, p. 47). Yet, it is a fact that providing primary health care and running the associated programs requires many resources.  

Globalization of Heaalthcare Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Globalization of Heaalthcare - Research Paper Example This practice is relatively uncommon at the time but within a short time this practice will develop to global standards. Following are the reasons behind the globalization of healthcare. Some countries are known for their doctors and the technological advancements they have made in the field of medical and health care. That is why these countries have high medical costs due to their skilled and well known staff. Under developed countries are working hard towards development and which is why they offer better services. Goodwill among Different Countries: globalization of healthcare promotes goodwill and understanding among different countries. Globalization is any kind of exchange of goods and services between countries with the sole purpose of efficiency and better results. Outsourcing of services is one of the benefits for the developing countries that they are able to adopt standards, processes along with the language of the developed countries. Outsourcing of medical services can also influence the economic benefits because the developed countries will thrive when individuals from developed countries will travel to their countries in order to seek medical help. IMPROVES PRODUCTION OF GOOD AND SERVICES: globalization of health provides a platform to improve their production of goods and services of countries by sharing their expertise and international cooperation. Globalization also influence the technology and help create educated and internet savvy consumers. Different countries come together and they promote their new technological advancements which help under developed countries to exhilarate. healthcare globalization can stifle development: globalization is one of the reasons for the downfall in growth in many countries. It imposes negative advent effects on the growth of under developed countries in the field of health care. There are two

Friday, October 18, 2019

Martin Luther Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 2

Martin Luther - Essay Example Historians agree that he drew his inspiration from the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi and from his Christian faith as well. Based on the principles of non-violence, he was the leader of nonviolent movement in the late 1950’s and 1960’s. As a result of his determination, he contributed immensely towards realization of equality in the United States particularly among the Africa- Americans (The King Center para 2). Martin Luther was born in January 15, 1929 and attended segregated public schools in Georgia. He was born in a Christian family; his father served as a pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church and his mother was a co-pastor at the same church. After high school, he attended Morehouse Georgia where he graduated with B.A degree in 1948. He then attended Crozer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania and later on won fellowship at Crozer which enabled him to enrol in graduate doctorate in 1953 at Boston University where he received a degree in 1955. While in Boston, he met Coretta Scott whom he married and they bore two sons and two daughters together (The Nobel Prize Organization para 1). He served as the pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama from 1954. During his time as the pastor, he was a strong civil rights worker of his race. This was evidenced by the fact that he served as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored people executive committee m ember The Nobel Prize Organization para 2). Martin Luther was elected as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) president in 1957; SCLC was an organization that had been formed to provide leadership necessary for burgeoning civil rights movements (The Nobel Prize Organization para 3). In a span of eleven years (1957-1968), he travelled over six million miles and made over 2500 addresses regarding civil rights, injustice and need for action. In addition, he wrote five books and numerous articles aimed at addressing racial